An Introduction to ANIMATE
When you look at ANIMATE you see a large number of letter tokens that
are in motion.
The motion occurs in a time frame that begins with the first Congress
in 1789 and ends with the 106th Congress in 2000. Controls in ANIMATE
allow you to control how fast this “history” runs and how
long history pauses between Congresses.
Each token designates a senator or representative. The token appears
on the screen when the legislator enters Congress and disappears whenever
the legislator dies, retires, or is defeated for reelection. The letter
value of the token represents the legislator’s political party,
such as “D” for Democrat or “W” for Whig. Just
place the cursor over the token to identify the legislator.
The position of the token on the screen is determined by the legislator’s
ideology or, technically, the legislator’s DW-NOMINATE coordinates
in two dimensions.
The horizontal dimension has a stable interpretation throughout American
history. It is economic left-right. Liberals are on the left and conservatives
on the right. Briefly, during the Civil War period, there is a spatial
realignment and the dimension represents the conflict over slavery.
The vertical dimension is always far less important than the horizontal
dimension, even if legislators are dispersed on that dimension. When the
dimension is most important, in the 1830s and 1840s and 1940s, 50s, and
60s, it represents conflict on race, with anti-black being at the top.
From the 1870s through the 1930s the second dimension represents conflict
on rural-urban lines, with agrarian, rural legislators appearing at the
top.
We have provided labels as guides to the axes or, synonymously, dimensions.
But it should be recalled that the axes are abstractions that represent
the output of a scaling algorithm that is blind to the political party
membership of the legislator and to the content of the roll calls being
voted on.
Ideology is measured by the DW-NOMINATE scaling procedure of Keith T.
Poole and Howard Rosenthal. In the contemporary period, we commonly classify
legislators as liberals and conservatives in part because their roll call
voting behavior in Congress is very predictable. On one roll call, the
liberal side might be supported by Barbara Boxer and all the senators
to her left; on another Diane Feinstein and all the senators to her left,
including Boxer; on still another by Arlen Specter and all the senators
to his left, including Feinstein and Boxer; on still another by Orrin
Hatch and all the senators to his left, including Feinstein, Boxer, and
Specter. DW-NOMINATE simply provides a quantitative basis for this type
of observation and allows us to make similar observations for earlier
periods of history.
For a brief introduction to the NOMINATE approach, see:
Ellenberg, Jordan.
“Growing Apart: The mathematical evidence for Congress' growing
polarization. Slate Posted Wednesday, December 26, 2001, at 7:57
AM PT
To learn more, see:
Poole, Keith T. and Howard Rosenthal, Congress: A Political-Economic
History of Roll Call Voting. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997.
The motion you see from a given token represents DW-NOMINATE results.
DW-NOMINATE ties together all of American history because it constrains
the movement through time of individual legislators to be linear. Actual
changes in ideology may be both more complicated and more simple. In recent
periods, most of the change occurs when legislators change there party
affiliation. So, if you use ANIMATE to track the long career of Strom
Thurmond, the motion you see is largely tracking his conversion from Democrat
to Republican.
There are two major lessons to take away from ANIMATE. First, over time,
you see less and less motion of individual legislators, particularly after
the Civil War. This shows the stabilization of the American political
system. Second, after the Civil War you will see the major party clusters
growing further apart until the turn of the century, then come together
and overlap, and beginning in the 1970s draw apart again. That is, throughout
most of the twentieth century, political divisions blurred but in the
last quarter one sees the polarization of American politics.
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